The Will Of The People (Conspiracy Trilogy Book 1) (31 page)

The nature of the Baltic Sea meant that any confrontation
would be a claustrophobic affair, more so with warships presently
cruising just a few kilometres apart. Average width 200 kilometres,
average depth just 55 metres, nine countries sharing its coastline
– the Baltic was more the preserve of the smaller diesel-electric
Kilo-class. The
Gepard
needed space to hide, space to creep up on its prey,
certainly not the restraints of territorial waters, numerous
islands, complex currents and restricted depth. With the Baltic
Fleet’s ageing ships and relative lack of resources, the
Gepard
’s transfer was
purely a consequence of political necessity, and Karenin viewed the
redeployment more as a challenge than taking it as some sort of
demotion.

While not specifically regretting the demise of communism,
Karenin had little faith in Russia’s latest attempt at democracy,
and the Government was in grave danger of throwing away the
hard-won successes from the Putin era. The prejudices of a lifetime
were difficult to ignore and for Karenin the greatest danger to
Russia was still the misplaced arrogance of the United States.
Superior weapons, superior technology, superior ships – these were
advantages Karenin was keen to dispute, and with the
Gepard
, he might
possibly have the means.

Their present patrol area was to the north-east of Poland,
and for several hours the
Gepard
cruised slowly from west to east, picking out a
merchant vessel to track, before Karenin carried out yet another
practise attack drill. The boat kept well clear of any NATO ships,
if necessary Karenin taking the
Gepard
deep to sit silent and
immobile whilst the warship passed.

The regular
midday meeting of the senior officers was an event Karenin often
cancelled, preferring a more personal and relaxed approach to the
everyday running of the boat. Today was different, Karenin knowing
that a formal briefing was a better way to gauge his officers’
enthusiasm as to their new orders.

The others
were already seated in the senior wardroom, and Karenin paused only
to collect a mug of strong sweet tea before sitting down at the
head of the table. With just the five most senior officers present
there was enough space for him to be able to stretch out his legs –
the fact he didn’t was almost a signal as to the gravity of the
occasion.

The others
waited expectantly for the Captain to speak, all eyes watching him
as he sipped the steaming drink. Finally, Karenin rested the mug on
the table-top and met their gaze.

“I have been
ordered,” he reported, “to brief you fully on the present situation
in Russia and the Baltic, so that we all understand how crucial the
next few days will be. Moscow is close to complete chaos,
communications disrupted, banking systems frozen, stock market
closed, airports, train and metro stations shut down, fuel and food
shortages, wildcat strikes... Overnight there were more clashes
between rival groups and police; hundreds of protestors have been
arrested, but thousands more are still out on the streets. The
official number of those killed in the last twenty-four hours is
put at ninety-eight, including twenty-one from the security
forces.”

Karenin
paused, giving the others a chance to absorb what he had said. “In
terms of Poland, the United Nations Security Council is still
trying to hammer out a suitable and permanent compromise; however,
NATO seems to have finally lost patience. They have effectively
given Russia an ultimatum – withdraw and end the blockade, or face
attack. In practical terms, from 1200 Zulu on Saturday, NATO will
abandon the agreed inspection system and offer to escort merchant
ships into the ports of Gdansk and Gdynia. Any Russian ships
hindering the ‘rightful’ progress of such vessels will be subject
to attack, and if necessary sunk.

“Our new patrol area will be to the east of Gdansk, our new
orders directing the
Gepard
to assist the surface ships presently enforcing
the blockade. Specifically, if any of our ships are attacked or
unable to prevent a foreign vessel from breaching the exclusion
zone, then the
Gepard
is authorised to use all possible means to defend our
comrades and halt any such incursion.”

Karenin sipped his tea in silence, noting with interest that
only the
Gepard’
s
elderly Chief Engineer seemed unmoved by NATO’s threats. If it came
to a fight, the
Gepard
lacked the guile for gentle persuasion – a killing blow was
all the submarine was designed to deliver.

The large wall monitor showed scenes from various news
channels, while the touch-screen table was split between differing
data streams and updated projections as to future outcomes. Nothing
was certain, but Rebane and his team of experts had developed a
feel as to how Russia would react. Carter’s simulations were always
a useful starting point, but of more importance was the wealth of
data that was constantly being fed to Erdenheim. Real-time
satellite imagery; public and private CCTV networks; phone, email
and internet protocol interceptions; social-networking sites;
police and internal security reports; its own agents still
spreading their poison on the streets of Moscow –
August 14
used whatever
resources it could to keep abreast of events in Russia and
elsewhere.

It was far too
much data for one person, or even a team of a hundred to absorb,
and Carter’s computer expertise was once again put to good use.
Tested and refined over some six months, the bespoke software
analysed, filtered and prioritised, producing a manageable set of
data for Rebane and his present team of nine to work with. Now,
with wisdom born of experience, they could assess and react to
Russia’s actions almost as they happened.

With months to
plan and prepare, Erdenheim had the time to search out which of
Moscow’s infrastructure systems and large businesses were
susceptible to being hacked. Carter and his army of computer allies
– some human, the overwhelming majority innocent computers infected
by a zombie virus and hundreds or even thousands of miles away –
were able to disable their chosen targets almost at will. Russia’s
security analysts were having to do catch-up, blocking one attack
only to be met by another. The smart-mob incidents were almost
entirely orchestrated by Erdenheim, Rebane managing to either
divert police resources elsewhere or create false reports. Through
denial-of-service attacks, certain banks and other financial
institutions had had their systems temporarily frozen, and a good
proportion of Moscow’s citizens were now unable to access their
money, or even be paid. Their only option was to return to a
cash-only environment, but cash too was in short supply. A dramatic
run on the Rouble was also threatening to add rampant inflation to
the long list of Russia’s woes.

Erdenheim still had a few more cards left to play, the
pressure on Russia inexorable, ultimately revealing the many
divisions that would split the Federation apart. The final wave of
agents from Poland and Lithuania had been due to arrive in Russia
in the next week, and while their future absence was a significant
setback,
August 14’s
earlier successes had been far more effective than
anticipated, thus ensuring they were well ahead of schedule. The
remaining resources were badly stretched, but secessionist elements
were finally readying themselves to join with
August 14
.

Rebane stood
beside the touch-screen table and stared down at the latest
analysis, worrying that his timing as to the next attack would have
to be based purely on intuition rather than logic. The others would
offer their advice, but the decision would have to be his. Still,
he was more focused now Anderson was out of the way and, with the
notable exception of the naval blockade, Russia’s leaders had
reacted much as expected, the complication of NATO now becoming
more of an advantage than a concern.

“Upload
parameters modified,” Carter announced. “Transmission now staggered
over a thirty hour period... Just waiting for your go-ahead,
Marty.”

Rebane nodded his understanding, eyes still focused on the
pattern of data.
Is Russia’s Government
fragile enough
, he wondered? The military
would soon make their move, and Rebane could either accelerate that
time, or simply wait for it to happen. His worry as always was the
need to maintain the pressure, to ensure that the authorities never
knew when or where the next assault would happen, or even from what
source. The cyber-attacks had to be constantly re-routed to avoid
their origin being traced, but the greater their daily exposure the
greater the likelihood Erdenheim would be revealed. In addition
encrypted instructions were now being sent direct to
August 14’s
agents,
Moscow’s mobile phone and internet block ensuring the need to use
the far riskier landline option.

An expectant
hush settled over the computer room, the others readying themselves
for the surge of data the next stage would bring. All of them had
been involved with Rebane for at least six months, their reputation
known by him for far longer. Well over twenty had helped in some
way, often as not working from home with just a few days spent at
Erdenheim; the majority were American, the rest from Eastern
Europe.

The eventual
team of nine had been chosen in typical Erdenheim fashion by a
dispassionate review of strengths and weaknesses, combined with an
analysis of what they could contribute to the team as a whole.
Other than Carter, only two had any expertise in programming; the
rest had been picked for their understanding of terrorism or civil
disobedience. Whilst most were not as anti-Russian as Rebane, each
member of his team was committed to the challenge of breaking
Russia apart, relishing the once in a lifetime opportunity to put
their academic theories into practice. For all of them, monetary
reward was of secondary importance, their prime motive entirely one
of personal fulfilment, with a totally selfish disregard as to the
human cost. In that respect, they were not that dissimilar to
Rebane.

Rebane looked
across at Carter and gave the briefest of nods. There was really
only one way to find out if all this time, effort and money had
actually been worthwhile.

* * *

The first reports were broadcast by the American news
channels, and it was a good forty minutes before Russian TV started
to show live pictures from Yakutsk, the capital of Russia’s Sakha
Republic. The camera image was of Government House, its windows
smashed, smoke blackening the upper floors; scores of armed
insurgents celebrated in the street outside, the Russian Tricolour
in flames at their feet. The voice-over condemned the mob violence
and unrest that had led to the storming of the building, blaming
terrorist elements linked to
August
14
. Western TV news offered a different
perspective, the protests seen more as a popular uprising against
the Government in Moscow.

Hundreds of
ethnic Yakuts had already joined the insurrection, although the
fighting was now generally confined to west of the city centre and
further north around the airport. Troops from the Eastern Military
District were thought to be in transit, but for the time being the
city was in the hands of the nationalists.

Rebane watched with a smile of satisfaction, gaze moving from
one TV picture to another to see which news channel would be first
with the next of
August
14’
s targets. In fact it was a close call
between CNN and Sky, both showing the same video clip, purporting
to be of Ulan-Ude, a thousand miles south-west of Yakutsk and near
to the Mongolian border. A dozen bodies lay in an unnamed square,
the camera pulling back across bullet-ridden vehicles to show riot
police firing live rounds at some unknown enemy hidden in the
buildings opposite.

It was as much as Rebane could presently hope for: Ulan-Ude,
the capital of the Republic of Buryatia, was probably a lost cause,
the ethnic Buryats forming barely a third of the population. With
Yakutsk the mix was more even, and despite the forced immigration
of the Soviet era, less than half its people were ethnic Russians.
And this was just the beginning; over the next twenty-four hours
more of Russia’s republics would follow the Asian lead.
Bashkortostan, Chechnya, Chuvashia, Dagestan, Ingushetia,
Kabardino-Balkar, North Ossetia and Tatarstan – in all of these,
ethnic Russians were the minority. All had secessionist movements
of differing influence, but with
August
14
’s leadership there was now a real
opportunity for change, for true freedom from the Russian yoke.
Only then, could Eastern Europe relax, the fear which had pervaded
millions of lives for countless generations finally put to
rest.

Even many native Russians were fed up with the authority of
Moscow, and several regions including Kaliningrad, Karelia and
Siberia actively sought some form of sovereignty. Not that the
Government in Moscow took such wishes particularly seriously. Of
more concern to Moscow was the fact that a large number of Russians
considered themselves Siberian rather than Russian – something
China and now
August 14
was keen to encourage.

By 8 p.m.
Moscow Time, the capital’s central squares were swarming with
protestors, upwards of a hundred thousand according to some
estimates. The placards again told of conflicting loyalties, the
numbers evenly split between those supporting the Government and
those demanding an end to the State of Emergency with its
authoritarian suppression of human rights.